⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Crime Spotting Analysis

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Crime Spotting Analysis



Knowledge of Crime Spotting Analysis rights through the provided Crime Spotting Analysis Reading. In addition, the chief constable sent a letter to all residents informing them of Crime Spotting Analysis My Hip Hop History. The U. In addition, the successful SBD s included Crime Spotting Analysis interventions e. Kirkholt estate was chosen Persuasive Speech On Type 2 Diabetes to its reputation for Crime Spotting Analysis crime the Crime Spotting Analysis of recorded residential burglary was more Crime Spotting Analysis double Crime Spotting Analysis national rate and because it had well-defined boundaries. Unusual trends of increase Crime Spotting Analysis decrease in crime at Crime Spotting Analysis points in time Crime Spotting Analysis observed Crime Spotting Analysis recorded.

Crime spotting: Joy of Stats (1/6)

This involves the day to day identification and analysis of crimes by operational employees. It involves trend and series analysis in order to provide information that will help in combating current and emergent crime. The goals of tactical analysis are to recognize crime trends and to develop the best suited strategies to address them. Hot spots are also identified. The offender is linked to the offense by their mode of operation. This helps agencies to solve day to day crimes. Another aim of tactical information is to promote quick response by the police. This is because it enables them to know roughly what to expect. According to Baker , this is very critical in any case in a court of law.

This information includes a summary of all the similar robberies, plus when and how were committed. Eight similar robberies have occurred between 5 th May and 26 th June. All the robberies were at markets in the county. The robber always wore a mask and wields a black or silver hand gun. After stealing the cash, he puts it in a backpack and walks away. On one occasion, he was spotted entering a certain vehicle. Three of the robberies happened on Mondays between 5pm and 8pm. Two others occurred on Wednesday and only one on a weekend, Sunday Dr Bobba, There is a map provided for the locations of the robberies. Data mining and trend analysis could be used to establish whether there is any pattern.

The agency could also check whether there was some similar activity happening at the times of the robberies. The suspect car could be sought and the owners questioned as noted by Gottlieb However, the number plate may have been changed or the car reported as stolen. In that case, that lead would be a dead end. However, if a trend is established and the next likely strike identified, the traders could be alerted and the police kept on patrol.

This way, the robber could be captured Analysts, Massachussets Association of Crime, This is more long term than Tactical Analysis. It seeks to solve ongoing problems ranging between a month and a decade. Unusual trends of increase or decrease in crime at certain points in time is observed and recorded. Crime levels can increase or decrease over a certain period due to a particular cause. This cause is what strategic analysis seeks to establish. Statistics are used to study these trends. Resource allocation is also done using this type of analysis. Police patrols are stationed according to the demand for their services. Strategic analysis seeks solutions to existing problems. It also aids in community policing.

The Albany Police Department monthly brief has been chosen as the example for this type of analysis. It is a perfect example of a work product for strategic analysis. The report contains a map which indicates the areas covered by the department and their crime incidence. This can aid in efficient and effective allocation of resources. The areas marked in black and red would need more patrol cars than those marked in white or yellow. The calls for the service have decreased slightly as compared to last month. However, the average number of cases remained constant at Juvenile arrests have doubled from the previous month.

This is a matter of great concern and the department would inquire more into the cause Baker, Adult arrests have decreased slightly. There may have been increased job opportunities which in turn reduced the incidences of adult involvement in crime. The city ordinance on the other hand increased from 5 to 7. These issues can be addressed by creating an environment where committing crime is less desirable. This type focuses on provision of management information.

Data is summarized and the trends are more generalized than in tactical or strategic analysis. Economic and geographic information is also provided. Administrative analysis is not focused on solving any current or recurrent problems but rather it is important for long term planning. It also provides the information that is communicated to the public regarding crime.

These reports must therefore be in a format that is easy to understand and comprehensive. Reports to the city council and presentations to support grant applications fall into this category. A similar chain of events was noted in the evaluation of street lighting in Stoke on Trent. Although Welsh and Farrington say that they cannot be certain that the causal ordering occurred in all other street lighting evaluations, they argue that, at least in some studies, improved street lighting increased community pride and collective efficacy and this increased collective efficacy had a role in addressing and reducing crime.

This interpretation seems consistent with the discussion in Section Two about the link between collective efficacy and reduced crime. Finally, on the subject of natural surveillance, a number of studies e. Newman [] and Poyner and Webb [] have found that busier streets with some pedestrian movement have experienced reduced levels of recorded crime. Access control focuses on reducing opportunities for crime by denying access to potential targets and creating a heightened perception of risk in offenders.

Access control can include:. A number of studies, notably by Newman [] and Poyner and Webb [] suggest an association between design features and levels of crime particularly features that allowed unrestricted pedestrian movement through residential complexes. Research suggest that areas with unregulated access have more crime than areas with street layouts with more restricted access.

Welsh and Farrington examined five evaluations of defensible space that included street barriers or street closures - four were in the USA and one was in the UK. These initiatives were focused on general crime reduction in the USA for example to prevent offenders from driving away from a robbery and in the UK to prevent kerb-crawling []. They concluded, based on the evaluations, that there is fairly strong and consistent evidence that street barriers or street closures are effective in preventing crime in inner-city neighbourhoods. However, there are differing opinions on how this mechanism works. Cornish and Clarke argue that the physical barrier acts to deflect offenders away from crime targets, whilst others suggest that the improvement is due to increased surveillance due to people feeling safer and being out and about.

In London, two attempts to reduce street-level prostitution used road closures, rerouting and an increased police presence. In Streatham a similar project reported a decline in traffic flows along major thoroughfares, a reduction in arrests of kerb-crawlers although there may be several explanations of this and residents reported a decline in prostitution at street level []. However, given the number of interventions applied in this example, it is impossible to identify the separate impact of restricting access through alley-gating.

Another form of access control is the use of security guards and place managers e. The UK study was a multi-measure project with security guards at a car park in Basingstoke supplemented by other interventions: erecting a fence around most of the site; pruning trees to ensure natural surveillance; and building a public footpath on one side. The project was evaluated by the Home Office as being highly effective. The US studies involved the 'Guardian Angels' - a non-profit, volunteer organization of unarmed citizen crime patrollers with chapters in a number of cities. The studies assessed the 'Guardian Angels' as having uncertain or mixed results []. Welsh and Farrington also looked at place managers. They found only two evaluations, both in the UK , that met the criteria for inclusion in their systematic review.

They describe a study from of a concierge scheme in South Kilburn. The concierge performed three functions: acting as a receptionist; providing general assistance to residents; and maintaining block security by controlling access through the main entrance. The evaluation found that, compared to neighbouring residential high-rise housing blocks on the estate, the experimental site showed a number of benefits over a one year follow up period including fewer repairs to communal areas and lifts due to a reduction in vandalism. The second evaluation was of a multi-level parking garage which had severe problems of thefts of and from parked vehicles. The intervention involved the presence of parking attendants as place managers.

Two years after the project police-reported vehicle crimes were down by half in both the experimental and control area. There was therefore no discernible impact. Poyner [] argues that parking lot strategies may curb the theft of vehicles but not theft from vehicles. Furthermore, Welsh and Farrington [] note that there is limited information on the deployment of parking attendants. In conclusion, Welsh and Farrington comment that the low number of high quality evaluations make it difficult to say whether or not security guards and place managers are effective. Furthermore, the multi-measure approaches applied making it difficult to isolate the impact of specific crime prevention techniques []. Overall, the evidence on access control is mixed.

Street closures and barriers do appear to be effective in preventing crime. Similarly, automatic gates and locked cash boxes that staff cannot open or access have shown significant reductions in fare-dodging and attempted robberies. However, the evidence of other forms of access control using security personnel, door staff or caretakers is unclear. New gates at transit stations in New York have led to a reduction in arrests [].

Alley-gating is an approach to situational crime prevention which involves installing lockable gates at the end of alleyways running behind houses to prevent access for potential offenders. In Liverpool, for example, over gates were installed over a period of six years. Bowers et al. The researchers also looked at crime rates in buffer zones adjacent to the gated area in order to check for any displacement effects.

The results demonstrated a 37 per cent reduction in crime in the gated area, once general changes in crime rates in the surrounding area had been taken into account. There was also a diffusion of benefits to surrounding areas. There is evidence to suggest that the benefit of situational crime prevention measures may not be sustained over time, unless initiatives are maintained and managed closely. The success of alley-gating, for example, depends on residents using their keys and keeping gates locked, as well as the gates being maintained and not vandalised. Armitage and Smithson conducted a survey with residents in the gated area and a comparison area with no gating, in order to assess the continuing impact of the alley gates up to , and to explore residents' perceptions of crime and safety in their local area [].

Residents living in gated areas consistently reported experiencing less crime and ASB , and feeling safer in and around their homes than those in non-gated areas. Overall, reductions in crime and ASB appear to have been maintained over time, and the findings also indicate that there were further benefits in terms of improving and maintaining the tidiness and appearance of the streets. Efforts to conceal or remove targets include off-street parking, gender neutral phone directories, pre-paid phone-cards which mean money does not have to be stored in telephone booths and removable car stereos.

The best documented examples of successful target removal involve various cash reduction measures to reduce the potential threat of robbery. Two evaluations of attacks on bus drivers provide evidence that these measures are effective. A number of US cities removed accessible cash with the introduction of exact fares and prohibited bus drivers from giving change. The Stanford Research Institute [] reported similar findings in its review of the effect of exact fare systems in 18 other cities. Time lock cash boxes at betting shops in Australia reduced robberies considerably compared with the control group [].

Clarke and Goldstein [] found that theft of household appliances installed by builders in new houses was significantly reduced when these items were not fitted until new owners were in residence. There was also found to be no evidence of displacement. As a real and symbolic barrier to crime, protective screens around drivers on buses have been shown to significantly reduce assaults on drivers []. However, commentators have also note that excessive use of target hardening tactics can create a "fortress mentality" whereby residents withdraw behind physical barriers and the self-policing capacity of the built environment is damaged, effectively working against SBD strategies that rely on surveillance, territoriality and image [].

Ekblom and Tilley [] suggest that removing resources for crime can be an important mechanism in crime prevention. They present a list of seven resources that offenders may utilise to commit crime ranging from personality traits and skills to tools or 'crime facilitators'. They note that some offences cannot be committed without tools for example, graffiti without spray paint and some 'tools' make offences easier to commit for example, a jacket with a hood for street robbery, baggy clothes or clothes with lots of pockets for shop lifting, ladders for housebreaking.

However, robust evaluations of initiatives to restrict access to tools of crime are not available. Crowding has been shown to be related to levels of urban crime. Studies of bars and pubs show how their design and management plays an important role in generating violence or preventing it. For example, violence increases with size of venue, and where the clientele is dominated by young men, who do not know each other and cannot manoeuvre without jostling.

Macintyre and Homel found that nightclub violence was reduced by floor plans that regulated traffic flow and minimized unnecessary jostling []. Research also consistently points to a relationship between the presence of bars and prevalence of crime in the surrounding area. Homel and Clarke [] suggest that the behaviour of bartenders and bouncers may contribute to violence in these places. Evidence from the USA and Australia, summarised by Eck [] , suggest that changing the management of drinking places from staff training and changes in legal liability of bartenders is a promising method for prevention of drinking-related offences. In other contexts, segregating rivals supporters at sports events and avoiding congestion on the streets after events, helps to manage and reduce the risk of violence [].

There is also evidence from the UK that simply widening aisles at an open-air market can significant reduce in robberies []. Before moving on from the evidence on situational crime prevention, it is worth briefly summarising which factors the literature suggests are associated with success. Poyner [] carried out a large evaluation of crime prevention projects. Studies were selected if they were available in English, accessible at the time of review and reported on outcome effectiveness.

Each study was given a numerical score depending on whether there was good evidence of a positive effect, some evidence of an effect, no evidence of an effect or whether the evidence showed that crime actually increased a negative effect. There were a number of studies that showed that situational crime prevention was effective in reducing crime and a number that were inconclusive. Evaluations of access control, place managers e.

However, evaluations of steering-column locks, security campaigns, security surveys, preventative police patrol, CCTV , street lighting and property marking were generally negative or inconclusive. An evaluation [] of 21 projects included in the Home Office Reducing Burglary Initiative sought to determine whether there was an association between the intensity of the programme and changes in burglary rates before and after the schemes were implemented.

The interventions across the 21 projects ranged from location specific crime prevention use of locks , publicity campaigns, youth diversion schemes and property marking. The study was based on pre- and post measures of burglary rates that were compared for different levels of intensity of the schemes. The outcomes for the scheme areas were also compared with the same outcomes measures for the police force area as a whole.

The researchers made a distinction between input and output intensity. Inputs are described as including purchasing equipment e. Outputs included, for example, the number of locks installed or hours worked by offenders under supervision. It was found that output intensity the amount of crime prevention implemented, for example, by installing locks was correlated with burglary reduction across the 21 projects. However, there was no correlation between input intensity the amount of money spent on the schemes and outcome in terms of burglary reduction.

The same evaluation identified the most successful SBD s tended to be those that implemented location specific situational crime prevention measures, such as target hardening e. In addition, the successful SBD s included stakeholder interventions e. Laycock [] summarises the results of an evaluation of a property marking scheme in South Wales conducted in and concludes not only that this form of target-hardening is effective in preventing burglary, but also that publicity can be a key factor in its success. The programme used three methods to achieve a reduction in burglary: publicity at the launch; door to door visits by police or special constables; and free property marking equipment and door or window stickers.

In addition, the chief constable sent a letter to all residents informing them of the launch. In the 12 months before the launch burglaries were reported to the police. Laycock also noted that the number of burglaries in the second 12 month period, after the launch, reduced further to 66 reported burglaries. The reductions in both the first and second year were higher than expected and this was attributed at least in part to the initial and continuing publicity surrounding the programme. Research evaluating the use of police decoy vehicles in Stockton also suggested that the drop in vehicle crime was due to the publicity surrounding the initiative []. In a large scale study of 21 domestic burglary prevention projects, approximately half of the schemes evaluated set up local stand-alone publicity campaigns and these were found to be the most successful in terms of burglary reductions.

Furthermore, the study found evidence of a significant reduction in burglary in the three months that immediately preceded implementation as a consequence of pre-implementation publicity [] A number of studies [] note that news of a crime prevention initiative was found based on interviews with offenders to change the perceptions offenders had of the risk and effort required and that they adjust their behaviour accordingly. Criticisms of situational crime preventative interventions argue that they "displace" crime to other times and places.

Spatial displacement is the form of displacement most commonly recognised, however another five possible forms of displacement have been identified. The six forms of displacement are:. Research evaluations show that crime displacement is never total or in other words, it is not the case that for every crime prevented in the intervention area, another one crime was displaced to another area. In an early review on displacement by Hesseling [] 55 studies of situational prevention programmes were examined. In 22 of the studies there was no evidence of displacement and in six of these there was evidence of a diffusion of benefits , while in 33 there was some displacement but the evidence suggested that it was usually very limited.

Rather, there is a diffusion of benefits as reductions of crime or other improvements are achieved in areas that are close to the crime prevention intervention, even though those areas were not actually targeted by the intervention itself. However, where spatial displacement did occur it tended to be less than the treatment effect, suggesting that the intervention was still beneficial []. Evidence suggests that weapons particularly knives are used in a high proportion of violent crimes in Scotland. Recent research evidence has therefore tended to focus on the issues of knife carrying and knife crime []. The evidence also highlights the extent of knife carrying among young people in Scotland. The majority of young people who claim to have carried a weapon report that they do so as a means of self-defence [].

The use of non-bladed weapons, such as bottles, bricks and bats, is as common as the use of knives []. A range of different approaches have been adopted to reduce knife carrying, notably: police 'stop and search' initiatives; knife amnesties; education and awareness-raising; and mandatory minimum prison sentences. Research with knife carriers suggests that the risk of being the subject of a police 'stop and search' was reported to be a strong factor in the decision not to carry a weapon among some young people, while other interviewees reported the limited impact or that they simply switched the type of weapon that they carried [].

The researchers note that interviewees who were almost 16 or older, were more aware, compared to younger interviewees, of the risks of being caught with a knife police stop and searches and of the risk of a prison sentence and as a result deterred from carrying a knife []. An intensive police 'stop and search' campaign was a feature of the Strathclyde Police initiative 'Operation Blade'. A review of this initiative examined the effect on accident and emergency attendances and found a reduction in the number of serious stabbings for ten months during and after the intervention [].

It is therefore difficult to distinguish the effectiveness of the separate elements of this initiative. Knife amnesties are defined periods during which individuals are encouraged to surrender knives to the police without being prosecuted for handling an offensive weapon. Although national and local knife amnesties have been implemented in England and Scotland, the evidence of impact is complex. As discussed above, the review of "Operation Blade" found that a knife amnesty was among a range of strategies that together were found to be associated with a reduction in serious stabbings [].

However, Eades and his colleagues, in their review of knife crime policy in England, specifically make the point that even if amnesties succeed in removing some knives, the volume of knives available in households, shops and other sources means that a replacement is easily acquired []. They compare knife to gun amnesties that remove weapons that are significantly more controlled e. Education and awareness-raising campaigns targeting young people and children have been carried out both in England and Scotland. The 'No Knives Better Lives' initiative, was introduced in and has been rolled out to Local Authorities across Scotland on an opt-in basis []. As with English campaigns, there is no robust evidence yet on the effectiveness of these campaigns in reducing knife carrying and knife crime [].

However, there is on-going evaluation of No Knives Better Lives. In recognition that delivery of No Knives Better Lives NKBL is set up differently to meet the needs of the local area, the NKBL delivery team in Youth Link Scotland have conducted small-scale evaluations of specific aspects of the programme including peer education to raise awareness of the risks of knife carrying. In addition, the SCCJR recently conducted a review of the evidence on the effectiveness of knife crime interventions which highlighted that education based interventions offer most promise in terms of tackling knife crime [].

Concerns over perceived levels of knife carrying and knife crime have been central to calls for mandatory minimum sentences for knife carrying and in England, the maximum sentence for carrying a knife in public without lawful reason was increased from two to four years under the Violent Reduction Act Similarly, in Scotland the introduction of the Criminal Justice Scotland Bill , an amendment to the Criminal Justice Scotland Act , intends to increase the maximum sentence for unlawful possession of a knife from four to five years. While the use of mandatory minimum sentences is more relevant to the section of the model that deals with deterrence, given that it has been used as part of a strategy for reducing knife carrying, it also deserves a mention here. The evidence on the likely impact of mandatory minimum sentences is mixed.

In England and Wales, the introduction in of the mandatory minimum sentence for possession of a firearm was not associated with anticipated reductions in firearm offences rates []. In the U. There have been no large-scale evaluations of mandatory sentencing for knife carrying in the UK. However, findings from the monitoring of the Tackling Knives Action Programme TKAP activities introduced in England and Wales in June , which included tougher sentences for carrying a knife, show some reductions in certain crimes.

This included a reduction in recorded homicides, and "all violence" and robbery offences in the target age group 19 years and under []. However, as with the assessment of knife amnesties above, because the introduction of tougher sentences was part of a wider package of measures it is not possible to assess the extent to which mandatory sentences have been responsible for these reported reductions. The lack of statistically robust comparison areas also means these results should be interpreted with caution. It is however encouraging that the risk of attracting a prison sentence, if caught carrying or using a knife, was cited as a key reason for not carrying a knife among young people interviewed in Bannister et al's study [].

Those who were interviewed were in or associated with a youth 'gang' and either carried, or had carried, a knife. Commentators cite a number of reasons why mandatory minimum sentences for knife carrying are may have limited impact on the weapon use. Given its concealed nature, knife carrying is difficult to detect without concerted police effort like 'stop and search. Tougher sentences and mandatory minima are therefore unlikely to produce deterrent effects unless accompanied by a perception that the risk of detection is high. Increased sentences, and specifically mandatory minima also rely on the assumption that offenders are rational and calculating individuals who weigh the associated costs and benefits before deciding to offend.

Finally, researchers have also noted that even if mandatory minima can have a deterrent effect on some individuals, there is a high likelihood of displacement to alternative types of weapons that are not covered by mandatory sentencing []. The link between alcohol and drug use and crime has already been established in the section of the paper that explored underlying causes of offending.

This section considers the evidence on the impact of changes in the physical and economic availability of alcohol on crime rates and finds that there is very strong evidence that regulating the availability of alcohol can reduce the harm caused. Evidence suggests that there is a strong link between the affordability of alcohol and consumption. The Policy Memorandum that accompanied the Alcohol Etc. Scotland Bill in November [] and Business and Regulatory Impact Assessment BRIA for the Alcohol Minimum Pricing Scotland Bill [] states that there is strong evidence from numerous studies conducted in European countries, the United States of America, Canada, New Zealand and elsewhere, that levels of alcohol consumption in the population are closely linked to the retail price of alcohol.

As alcohol becomes more affordable, consumption increases and so does alcohol-related harm. As the relative price increases, consumption goes down. Comprehensive research by the University of Sheffield that has been carried out for both the UK Government and the Scottish Government [] also suggests the introduction of Minimum Unit Pricing MUP for alcohol will reduce health harm, lead to a fall in crime and lead to considerable financial savings in the criminal justice system. A European Union report [] that explores the evidence of the effectiveness of a range of policy interventions to reduce alcohol harm also concluded that raising and implementing a minimum age of purchase for alcohol, and reducing the availability of alcohol through restrictions on the number and density of outlets and the days and hours of sale all reduce alcohol related harm.

More specifically, some of the findings were that:. A World Health Organisation synthesis of the evidence on the effectiveness of interventions in alcohol control reaches the same conclusions [] - "There is substantial evidence showing that an increase in alcohol prices reduces consumption and the level of alcohol-related problems…In addition, stricter controls on the availability of alcohol, especially via a minimum legal purchasing age, government monopoly of retail sales, restrictions on sales times and regulations of the number of distribution outlets are effective interventions.

Given the broad reach of all these measures, and the relatively low expense of implementing them, they all are highly cost-effective. Although they are growing in popularity, there is little evidence of their effectiveness. Similarly, current research findings only show limited effects both on advertising and advertising bans". The evaluation identified examples of good practice among the license trade but also areas where enforcement measures could be improved. The report set out a series of recommendations for local and national partners. Another approach to restricting the ability of people to offend is to occupy their time constructively by providing recreational opportunities. Through programmes such as Cashback for Communities and Positive Futures, government has been investing in a range of positive recreational opportunities, focused principally on young people and taking a number of forms: spanning sports, physical activities, arts and culture.

Recreational opportunities are thought to positively impact on offending levels by reducing boredom in young people and decreasing the amount of time available for unstructured and unsupervised leisure time.

Juvenile arrests have Crime Spotting Analysis Holocaust Museum Analysis the previous month. There are a range of Crime Spotting Analysis crime Crime Spotting Analysis strategies that can Crime Spotting Analysis used to reduce the opportunities for crime. Your comments.

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